Japans New Prime minister Yukio Hatoyama - Political Philosopher.

Xinhuanet - The Liberal Democrats, Japan's ruling party, conceded a crushing defeat on August 31 as voters overwhelmingly cast their ballots in favor of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). And Prime Minister Taro Aso, leader of the LDP, said he was to resign as Party leader after the election defeat.

This election outcome has given a full proof of Japan's prevailing mainstream public opinions. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has ruled Japan for more than half a century since it was formed in 1955, and so the Chinese government has been acquainted with its policies toward China. The Chinese side, nevertheless, is not so familiar with the China policies of the DPJ as well as their impact on Sino-Japanese relations.

Of course, the DPJ would surely treasure the political power it had longed for many years and eventually succeeded to win, implement its election promise in developing economy and improving the people's livelihood, so as to enhance and consolidate the basis of its power.

DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama said explicitly that "Japanese militarism in modern times to China cause great suffering and deeply hurt the Chinese people." For this reason, he said, Japan should have a profound introspection and approach to the past history squarely.

Meanwhile, he himself has made it clear that if he takes the premiership, he would not visit the war-related Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo. During the national election, he said he would admonish his cabinet members and senior officials to perform fairly and honestly and be incorruptible when they were in power. Yukio has once served as vice-president of the Dietmen’s League for Japan-China Friendship.

Nowadays, as the Barack Obama administration is hastening coordination and cooperation with China, and Russia is deepening its strategic coordinative partnership with China, there could be a new trend for the U.S., Japan, Russia and China to seek the improvement and enhancement of their relations simultaneously.

In term of economic and trade ties, Japan is sure to attach greater importance to China if it wants to really rid itself of its recession and seek its long-term development as China is currently substituting the U.S. for Japan's top exporting market. In term of regional cooperation, the construction of the East Asia Community Yukie Hatoyama has proposed cannot be devoid of the healthy, stable Sino-Japanese ties.

What deserves particular attention is, however, that some issues between China and Japan left by the LDP government remain today: Japanese right-wing national forces would provoke some thought on a couple of historical issues; China's separatist forces like those for "Taiwan Independence", "Tibetan independence" and "Xinjiang independence" would attempt to find their "patrons" in Japan and look for opportunities to split China; China and Japan differ in their respective stance on the Diaoyu Island, and they are yet to settle their disputes over territorial and maritime rights; the affectionate sentiments between the people of the two nations are still yet to resume, and there is still the lack of sufficient mutual political trust in the area of military security.

DPJ, a political party without a milestone around its neck, can promote and develop its fraternity and friendly, cooperative ties with China in strict compliance with four political documents signed between the two neighboring nations. Hence, Sino-Japanese relations in the years ahead would have more friendship and less friction.

Source: xinhua

Additional reading on Yukio's government and what we are to expect from his Government.
The following abstract is a partial translation from FT.com on Yukio's Political philosophy

On yuai or fraternity
“What I am referring to is fraternity, as in liberté, égalité, fraternité, the slogan of the French revolution. When my grandfather Ichiro Hatoyama translated one of the works of Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi into Japanese, he rendered the word fraternity as “yuai”…Therefore, when I refer to yuai, I am not referring to something tender but rather to a strong, combative concept that was a banner of revolution

“In 1935, Count Coudenhove-Kalergi published The Totalitarian State against Man. The work includes severe criticisms of Soviet communism and Nazism as well as the reflections on the self-indulgence of capitalism in leaving such ideologies to flourish. Coudenhove-Kalergi believed that freedom forms the foundation of human dignity and that it is therefore unsurpassed in value. In order to guarantee freedom, he advocated a system of private ownership. However, he was despondent at how the severe social inequalities produced by capitalism had helped give rise to communism by creating an environment in which people aspired to equality, and also at how this had resulted in the emergence of national socialism as an alternative to both capitalism and communism.

“Although freedom and equality are important for human beings, if they are followed to fundamentalist extremes, they can both result in immeasurable horrors. Therefore, Coudenhove-Kalergi recognised the necessity of a concept that could achieve a balance and maintain respect for humanity. That is what he sought in the idea of fraternity.

“While fighting against the growing influence of the socialist and communist parties, Ichiro Hatoyama used word yuai (fraternity) as a banner in trying to bring down the bureaucrat-led government of Shigeru Yoshida and replace it with his own administration of party politicians.

“When I saw the collapse of the totalitarian regimes that both Coudenhove-Kalergi and my grandfather Ichiro Hatoyama had opposed, I redefined my understanding of fraternity as ‘the principle of independence and coexistence’”.

On protecting people and industries from globalism
“Under the principle of fraternity, we will not implement policies that leave economic activities in areas relating to human lives and safety, such as agriculture, the environment and medicine, at the mercy of the tides of globalism… Our responsibility as politicians is to refocus our attention on those non-economic values that have been thrown aside by the march of globalism.

“Over recent years, Japan's traditional public services have been eroded. The ties that bring people together have become weaker and the spirit of public service has also dimmed… Politics based on ‘fraternity’ would restore strength to Japan's depleted non-profit (public service) sector. It would expand the non-profit sector into new areas and provide assistance for the people who support these activities. In this way, we aim to build a society of coexistence in which people can rediscover the ties that bring them together, help each other, and find meaning and fulfilment in performing a useful social role.”

On East Asian integration
“Another national goal that emerges from the concept of fraternity is the creation of an East Asian community. Off course, Japan-US Security Pact will continue to be the cornerstone of Japanese diplomatic policy. Unquestionably, the Japan-US relationship is an important pillar of our diplomacy. However, at the same time, we must not forget our identity as a nation located in Asia. I believe that the East Asian region, which is showing increasing vitality in its economic growth and even closer mutual ties, must be recognised as Japan's basic sphere of being.”

On the end of US-led globalisation

“The recent financial crisis has suggested to many people that the era of American unilateralism may come to an end. It has also made people harbour doubts about the permanence of the dollar as the key global currency. I also feel that as a result of the failure of the Iraq war and the financial crisis, the era of the US-led globalism is coming to an end and that we are moving away from a unipolar world led by the US towards an era of multipolarity.”

On the rise of China and regional integration
“Although the influence of the US is declining, the US will remain the world's leading military and economic power for the next two to three decades. Current developments show clearly that China, which has by far the world’s largest population, will become one of the world's leading economic nations, while also continuing to expand its military power. The size of China's economy will surpass that of Japan in the not too distant future. How should Japan maintain its political and economic independence and protect its national interest when caught between the United States, which is fighting to retain its position as the world's dominant power, and China which is seeking ways to become one? The future international environment surrounding Japan does not seem to be easy. This is a question of concern not only to Japan but also to the small and medium-sized nations in Asia. They want the military power of the US to function effectively for the stability of the region but want to restrain US political and economic excesses. They also want to reduce the military threat posed by our neighbour China while ensuring that China's expanding economy develops in an orderly fashion. I believe these are the instinctive demands of the various nations in the region. This is also a major factor accelerating regional integration.

“As symbolised by the anti-Japanese riots that occurred in China a few years ago, the spread of the Internet has accelerated the integration of nationalism and populism and the emergence of uncontrollable political turbulence is a very real risk…Unlike Europe, the countries of this region differ in their population size, development stage and political systems, and therefore economic integration cannot be achieved over the short term. However, I believe that we should aspire to the move towards regional currency integration as a natural extension of the path of the rapid economic growth begun by Japan, followed by South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong, and then achieved by the Asean nations and China. We must therefore spare no effort to build the permanent security frameworks essential to underpinning currency integration.

“…On the other hand, due to the historical and cultural conflicts existing between the countries of this region, in addition to their conflicting national security interests, we must recognise that there are numerous difficult political issues. The problems of increased militarisation and territorial disputes, which stand in the way of regional integration, cannot be resolved by bilateral negotiations between, for example, Japan and South Korea or Japan and China. The more these problems are discussed bilaterally, the greater the risk that citizen's emotions in each country will become inflamed and nationalism will be intensified. Therefore, somewhat paradoxically, I would suggest that the issues which stand in the way of regional integration can only really be resolved through the process of moving towards greater regional integration. For example, the experience of the EU shows us how regional integration can defuse territorial disputes.

“…Our response to the recent global financial crisis should not be simply to provide the kind of limited support measures previously employed by the IMF and the World Bank. Rather, we should be working towards a possible idea of the future common Asian currency. Establishing a common Asian currency will likely take more than 10 years. For such a single currency to bring about political integration will surely take longer still. Due to the seriousness of the ongoing global economic crisis, some people may wonder why I am taking the time to discuss this seemingly extraneous topic. However, I believe that the more chaotic, unclear and uncertain the problems we face, the higher and greater are the goals to which politicians should lead the people.

“I would like to conclude by quoting the words of Count Coudenhove-Kalergi, the father of the EU, written 85 years ago, when he published Pan-Europa. ‘All great historical ideas started as a utopian dream and ended with reality. Whether a particular idea remains as a utopian dream or it can become reality depends on the number of people who believe in the ideal and their ability to act upon it.’”

The complete essay is available online in Japanese and English at http://www.hatoyama.gr.jp/masscomm/090810.html

Source: Financial Times - The Full version of English Translation

New variables on China-Japan ties with Hatoyama in power